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Perform and keeps records of all shipping of parcels using multiple systems. More specifically, they are responsible for organizing, sorting, and transferring….
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She is dealing with the crazy requirements of the government to be able to teach her babies. This family-oriented description of the role of Abu Hamza was shared by other members of the group.
As a matter of fact, most of the members, and many of their costum- ers, had a story similar to that of Abu Hamza.
They came from the same vil- lage in Syria. So did Mahdi, who contacted Abu Hamza for help. In the first two years following the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, the village saw fierce armed clashes between the government forces and the Free Syrian Army.
It was subsequently occupied by the Islamic State IS in The intense fighting between the various factions over the years deprived the village of basic commodities.
The resulting hunger, disease, and high death rate forced many to leave. Mahdi was one of them. Abu Hamza agreed to bring Mahdi and his family to Europe if Mahdi worked for him in exchange.
If the Turkish or Greek police catch you, you can spend 14 frontex, p. So, if I could have chosen, I would have never done it.
Had it not been for him, my family and I would have died in Syria. Things, however, did not go as Mahdi had planned. Upon my departure from Elgar, he had agreed to do a last job for Abu Hamza.
He had to escort a dozen well-off clients, who could afford a journey onboard a fast boat, to the closest Greek island. In theory, this last job should have earned him a few thousand euros and he could then rejoin his brothers who were waiting for him in Greece to continue their journey to Europe, following the Western Balkan route.
On his way to Greece, however—a few hundred meters from the Greek shore— the boat was intercepted by Greek coastguards. Mahdi, identified as one of the potential smugglers onboard, was arrested.
I saw Mahdi again in Athens on a sunny day in spring We arranged to meet at a coffee shop in Omonia Square—the once commercial centre of Athens that at the time of my research was serving as a meeting point and a makeshift detention camp for thousands of irregular migrants stranded in the capital of Greece.
Here Mahdi told me how after being detained in a Greek prison, he was temporarily released to wait for trial.
I tried to reach him several times, but I never got a hold of him. The only thing that he did was to send my cousin 1, euros that served to pay part of the legal fees.
He made a fortune in Turkey! I was just the captain. Do you think that if I were a muharrib I would be in this condition now? Muharribin make a lot of money!
If I were one of them, I would not need money to pay my lawyer now. Ahmad left Homs in Syria when he was still an adolescent along with his brother, younger by a few years.
Like many other families, theirs covered the cost of the journey by liquidating the few assets that they had left after months of severe siege and starvation.
It is a decision akin to gambling: as young men leave for Europe, families get into debt and lose an economic lifeline within their already stranded households.
Indeed, domestic survival hinges largely on the remittances periodically sent by family members who have mi- grated. Furthermore, acting as veritable trail-blazers, those who successfully migrated can facilitate the migration of their kin left back in Syria, constantly monitoring their movement and giving them useful advice on the duration of the journey, the permeability of the borders and sharing important contacts.
Ahmad flew to Turkey precisely with the goal of facilitating the journey of his family. It is rather com- mon for migrants to work together with those facilitating their journeys performing roles that would legally fall into the category of smuggling — such as piloting boats, recruiting migrants, watching for police, etc.
During my field- work, I saw this type of collaboration developing in different manners. Migrants might work as recruiters, guides, or intermediaries—positions that can be cov- ered by the same person.
They might escort immigrants across the border be- cause of their own first-hand knowledge of the route; recruit clients because they share the same ethnic networks; and provide the various services needed to the migrants food, accommodation, and so on because of their long-term relationship with local communities in the transit countries.
They would do all this to pay the required fees or have a decent livelihood. This is what Ahmad — like many others — did to pay part of the smuggling fees for his family.
This overlapping of roles introduces a further layer of complexity by blurring the boundary between smugglers and their customers and weakening even further the analytical grip of the term muharrib.
It took him and his brother almost four months to reach Sweden. When I met him at the lobby he was waiting for the Turkish taxi drivers who picked up his family and took them to a nukta the spot, point of departure on the beach where around 30 other migrants were on board a ten-meter inflatable boat.
Ahmad left Turkey only when he received confirmation from his wife that her and his family had reached the Greek shores.
Yet the sense of mistrust, or that something can indeed go wrong never leaves the minds of the migrants who work with facilitators.
When Ahmad used the word muharrib, he referred to someone wicked, evil. However, even if muharrib carried a negative connotation, the person who facilitates irregular journeys was not necessarily bad.
He or she can simply be someone who sneaks something or someone undetected. Among my interlocutors, the facilitation of irregular migration was not just about profiting because the smuggler was not necessarily driven only by mate- rial gain.